As the second installment of my discussion on the three non-territorial options available for Puerto Rican voters on Election Day, we turn to what some deem the “independence-light” option called “Sovereign Commonwealth” (Estado Libre Asociado Soberano) or “Sovereign Free Associated State.” As we have mentioned before, Puerto Rico will hold a plebiscite on its political status with the United States that will pose two questions to the electorate. The first question is whether or not voters want to continue the current territorial relationship. The second question is which of the three non-territorial options does the voter want: Independence, Statehood or Sovereign Commonwealth. Regarding Sovereign Commonwealth, or Sovereign Free Associated state, the official definition of this option, as printed on the ballot, will read:
Sovereign Free Associated State
Puerto Rico should adopt a status outside of the Territory Clause of the Constitution of the United States that recognizes the sovereignty of the People of Puerto Rico. The Sovereign Free Associated State would be based on a free and voluntary political association, the specific terms of which shall be agreed upon between the United States and Puerto Rico as sovereign nations. Such agreement would provide the scope of the jurisdictional powers that the People of Puerto Rico agree to confer to the United States and retain all other jurisdictional powers and authorities. If you agree, mark here:
While the notion of a associated republic like the Federated States of Micronesia, the Republic of Palau and the Marshall Islands has existed in Puerto Rico for decades, it was not until former governor Anibal Acevedo Vila championed it in his 2008 re-election campaign, including it in the Popular Democratic Party’s platform (PPD for its Spanish acronym), that the idea entered the political mainstream. While the PPD reversed its support for this option in 2012, instead calling on its supporters to reject the referendum by voting to keep the current territorial relationship (ie. a YES vote), a group call ALAS has taken to the task of promoting this option for the plebiscite.
Under this option, the U.S. and Puerto Rico would enter into a voluntary bilateral agreement, in which they (as sovereign nations) would decide which areas should be delegated to the U.S., and which will be handled solely by Puerto Rico. For example, it could adopt an agreement similar to the Federated States of Micronesia and allow for Puerto Rican citizens to serve on the U.S. Army without requiring citizenship or residency in the U.S. Puerto Rico could “buy in” into federal services such as the U.S. Postal Service and other telecommunications services already working in Puerto Rico. However, either government would be free to end the agreement at any time they see fit. Additionally, Puerto Rico would certainly not be entitled to the nearly 4-1 ratio of federal funds to state funds currently spent in the Island.
Opposers of this option claim it is a veiled independence, aiming to break the century-old bond Puerto Rico has with the U.S., and threatening to eliminate the benefits earned by Puerto Ricans through federal programs. They (opposers) argue that this option tricks voters into thinking that they are merely voting for an enhanced commonwealth that increases local autonomy while maintaining the current relationship with the U.S. (in other words, federal funding and citizenship). The PPD has officially disavowed this option, much to the dismay of the “pro-sovereignty” (soberanistas) members of the party such as Carmen Yulin and Charlie Hernandez (the latter who received a sanction from his party by refusing to keep his opinions to himself, and publicly backing a NO vote and a vote for this option).
This option, like independence, places Puerto Rico on the side of free nations, with the benefits and risks that may entail. Stay tuned for the next entry, where I will discuss the option of the 51st state.